The scenography of entertainment in journalistic discourse

— The newspaper is a discursive practice that aims to impart information to individuals, with a heavy burden of responsibility. Its pages contain news and reports about the different subjects of everyday social life, but there is a certain predisposition in news about violent incidents. Nonetheless, across all forms of media, it is possible to encounter a transgression of the genre’s characteristics. Given that problem, we seek to understand how journalistic discourse is presented as a scenography of the discourse of entertainment, pervaded by the discourse of violence. Moreover, we attempt to analyze how the strategies of journalistic discourse enable the construction of that scenography. To this end, we draw on the theoretical assumptions of Dominique Maingueneau (2008), Muchembled (2012), Michaud (1989) and Cano (2012) to achieve our objectives. We thus hope to contribute to discussions in the area of discourse analysis, particularly those on journalistic discourse. We understand that the strategies used by the newspaper enable an interaction with entertainment and that a subtle violence pervades this relationship. As a result, the reading public is not only informed about world affairs but also consumes violence and entertainment, through the scenography that is constructed.


I. INTRODUCTION
Studies in discourse analysis now privilege a diversity of corpora that facilitates a very intimate relationship with the social demand for research. Among these corpora, those emerging from the journalistic field are particularly noteworthy, considering the rich interdiscursive presence within the field. Through that field, we have the opportunity to construct political, chauvinist, racist, advertising and popular science corpora, among many others. It is thus possible to encounter a series of other discourses that shape how journalistic text is presented to the reading public. The newspaper reader seeks out that form of media because of its informativeness, a distinguishing feature of its existence. Nonetheless, the purported neutrality and factuality of the journalistic media also implicates that reader, who sees it as legitimate and credible to consume. Moreover, there is also a certain degree of entertainment, be it through the genres of journalistic discourse, such as chronicles or cartoons, or through the way the newspaper constructs its style of presenting news and reports.
The dimension of informativeness gets muddled with the topics that the journalistic media places on the agenda. An event therefore becomes something that can take on a certain degree of informativeness. As a result, information is confused with the desire for information, and that desire is confused with what the journalistic media defines as information. The relationship between the IJELS-2022, 7 ( reader's desire to feel informed and the information that will respond to that desire can thus be constituted by the movement of journalistic discourse. Consequently, subjects such as violence, sex, or political or celebrity scandals become information to be consumed and, very often, are able to entertain the reader. There is thus a predisposition to cover cases of violence, given the large number of those cases in today's society. However, simply presenting news about crimes, deaths, assaults, etc. is not sufficient for the reading public to consume the newspaper. Journalists therefore produce the news in such a way that it is transformed. Within the context of that problem, studies developed within the Reading and Discourse Production Research Group (Grupo de Pesquisa Leitura e Produção de Discurso -GPLPD) have raised the question of whether the discourse of violence and journalistic discourse are in an interdiscursive relationship, causing the scene to construct an entertainment effect. This leads us to our objective: to understand how, in strategies for constructing scenes of enunciation, the discourses of entertainment and violence appear in the journalistic media, as well as how they implicate the reader in their positioning.
To that end, in this paper, we present a theoretical framework comprised primarily of Dominique Maingueneau's studies on categories of discourse, more specifically on interdiscourse (2008) and scenes of enunciation (2008,2015). Furthermore, we will build on studies previously carried out by us, Cano (2012), on discourse analysis concepts applied to violence, as well as by Muchembled, who presents, more specifically, notions about violence and its historicity. The corpus is composed of three front pages of the Estado de Minas newspaper. That publication was chosen because we are part of a research institution located in that space; we decided to select a newspaper that would speak to a certain Minas Gerais elite and, at the same time, would be a form of media with a broad reach. We did not choose the topselling newspaper, Super Notícia, as it is an extremely sensationalist newspaper and the relationship with the discourse of violence and entertainment is more obvious.

II. INTERDISCOURSE
The discipline of discourse analysis (DA) has both a theoretical and practical character. It is thus constituted by the need to apply theory. Because analyses focus on corpora of diverse social practices, concepts from psychoanalysis, history, philosophy and sociology are used to understand questions related to discursive functioning. As such, although the discipline is part of the field of linguistics, observations from other disciplines are utilized in order to understand, for example, who is speaking, why they are speaking and for what purpose they are speaking. It is thus always characterized by interdisciplinarity (CANO, 2012).
In addition to that interdisciplinary assumption-namely, recognizing the contribution of other disciplines to the field of DA-it is essential to state that any discourse has, at its core, an interdiscursive constitution. According to  and revisiting the studies of Authier-Revuz (ANO), discourse is grounded in a shown heterogeneity and a constitutive heterogeneity. The former, which is easier to grasp, concerns the way in which the discourse of another is present in an utterance, through an announcement, quotation marks, a citation, etc. In the case of the latter, constitutive heterogeneity, it has a relationship with the mark of other discourses that are present in an utterance and that are not perceived in such a simple, such a marked way. Interdiscourse thus causes the Other to be perceived within a Self, visibly or invisibly. In other words, all utterances made in any communicative situation are grounded in what was previously uttered, in both a favorable position and a contrary position .
In this paper, we will take interdiscourse as one of the main theoretical apparatuses for our discussion. Corroborating the assertions of , Cano (2012) states that the object of DA is interdiscourse, which thus has precedence over discourse. That is, any discourse is formed by a set of other discourses.
To understand interdiscourse, it is necessary to consider the triad proposed by : discursive universe, discursive field and discursive space. This triad corresponds to an analytical path that must be traveled by the analyst until they reach their study object.
According to , the discursive universe represents a set of discursive formations in which all existing discourses are located. The use of the term universe, however, does not imply an infinitude of discourses, and even being finite, it is not possible to grasp them in their totality. The discursive field is the place where discourses are produced, for they are in competition with others, refuting or agreeing. It is thus understood that it is the place where they are defined, establishing their regularities through discursive formations. Although discourses are constituted within the discursive field, within it, not all discourses behave in the same way. This is due to an "unstable hierarchy [that] opposes dominant and dominated discourses" (MAINGUENEAU, 2008, p.36-37), causing them not to be located on the same plane. Accordingly, within the discursive field, there is a discursive space, representing a subset of discursive formations defined by the analyst in order to comprehend their works  space must be constituted according to the objectives of the analyst, which is why we often identify those spaces based on subjects of interest, such as sensationalist discourse, chauvinist discourse, humorous discourse, etc., which circumscribe-within a field-the sequence of utterances that will be selected and described in accordance with the aims of the analysis.
We thus reiterate that discourses are not constituted automatically. It is necessary to consider discursive places and understand that there is a network of dependency among them. For example, within the discursive field, where discourses are in competition, that which leads a subject to utter a discourse inevitably originates in the discursive formation to which they belong, which determines that what they are going to say is this rather than that.

III. SCENES OF ENUNCIATION
For the objectives of our paper, it is essential to understand scenes of enunciation. They are a theoretical device created by , appearing in several of his works over the years. According to him, it is necessary to forestall "notions such as a 'situation of enunciation,' of a strictly linguistic nature, or a 'situation of communication,' which can be used in a purely sociological approach, in which the activity of speaking is somehow described from the outside" (MAINGUENEAU, 2015, p. 117).
It thus adopts the metaphor of the theater, in which we are obliged to play specific roles in accordance with what is imposed upon us. As a result, there is an understanding that the notion of discourse genres is also important for grasping the question because they also impose roles to be performed in everyday interactions. Maingueneau tells us that It is in instituted genres that subjects are most aware that they are participating in a theatrical play, that they are performing a previously imposed role. A discourse genre mobilizes its participants through a determined role but not in all of its possible determinations (2015, p. 118).
Maingueneau thus proposes three scenes to better understand scenes of enunciation: enclosing scene, generic scene and scenography.
The first, the enclosing scene, is what defines the type of discourse, which is the result of an established portion of some social activity that is characterized by a network of discourse genres (MAINGUENEAU, 2015). Cano (2012) asserts that the enclosing scene is equivalent to the discursive field, as it uses its typical forms of designation.
It is thus what allows us to perceive, for example, that a pamphlet received on the street can be part of advertising discourse, political discourse, religious discourse, etc. With this, the author also affirms that through it, it is possible to enter into one discourse rather than another on the analytical path.
The generic scene is established through discourse genres. According to Cano (2012), genres construct a generic scene in which socially legitimized roles are established between the enunciator and the co-enunciator. Those roles, in Maingueneau's (2015) perspective, result in norms that substantiate some expectations related to those genres.
Those norms are as follows: one or more aims, as it is assumed that one or more aims can be ascribed to interaction activities; roles for the partners, where there are rights and duties that are delegated to discursive behaviors; a place for the discursive act, be it physical (schools, courts, specific rooms) or symbolic; a mode of inscription in temporality, be it periodic, of a predictable duration, or ongoing; a medium, as all text is inextricable from its mode of material existence; a composition, as a discursive genre has predefined forms related to its mode of existence; and a specific use of linguistic resources, as discourse genres impose certain restrictions according to the discursive situation to which they belong (MAINGUENEAU, 2015).
Accordingly, the generic scene defines certain genres that will be delegated to a particular discourse. For example, within the school enclosing scene, in the school discourse, there are specific genres that are part of that school social practice. There is the classroom genre, the lecture genre, the discussion genre, the parent-teacher conference genre, and so many others.
Based on those questions, we arrive at the scenography. In this third presentation mode of scenes of enunciation, we understand that it constitutes a mode of staging through which a discourse can be seen, be it through a specific genre that is part of the generic scene or another way of speaking that is conditioned to the intentions of the enunciator. Cano, corroborating that idea, states that "the scene does not need to develop in its typical form, and in its unfolding, it can assume another scenography that relegates to the background the scene that would normally happen" (2012, p. 68) Beyond that affirmation, Maingueneau asserts that The notion of scenography is based on the idea that the enunciator, through their enunciation, organizes the situation on the basis of which they intend to enunciate. Any discourse, through its own development, actually intends to elicit the support of the recipients, establishing a scenography that legitimizes it (2015, p. 123). The staged nature of the subjects, spaces and times must be remembered, however, and reinforced. Radicalization through a theatrical metaphor is imperative, as we need to understand that interactive processes, events, are always staged more or less consciously by the co-enunciators. Their productive character lies precisely in the possibility of raising awareness about the level of engagement and perception of the game of the scene. That kind of category can contribute to society's perception of its own method of constructing and projecting social relations. We can thus understand when we are situated in the game of the advertising scene, for example, and we play the role of the consumer, in a naive way, without questioning or resisting the role that is imposed upon us. Although it is complicated to speak about awareness, we can infer from this discussion that it is possible for us to be more resistant to the restrictions of the roles imposed, insofar as the staging is assumed as such.

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Consequently, problematizing the scene pervaded by entertainment and violence makes it possible to describe, at a minimum, certain traits that are able to better elucidate the role we play and how to resist, to reconfigure it and, to a certain extent, to propose a different engagement in the unfolding of the scenography.

IV. THE DISCOURSES ANALYZED AND THEIR PLACES IN THE DISCURSIVE REALM
To understand the analysis that will be carried out, it is important to address the discourses that will be our corpus and the place they occupy within the discursive realm. We will then consider those places. Maingueneau (2010) states that not all discourses are accepted in society and they thus occupy different places within the discursive field. He proposes a division between paratopic, topic and atopic discourses (MAINGUENEAU, 2010).
For accepted discourses, the author proposes the terminology of topic discourses, as they are located in society and perform a specific function within it. However, they do not legitimize themselves. They need discourses that are self-legitimizing in order for them to have credibility.
In contrast, a discourse that is not legitimate, is pornographic discourse. That discourse, as well as several others in the same situation, are called atopic discourses. Those discourses are thus predicated on a double impossibility, according to Maingueneau (2010). By specifically examining pornographic discourse, we can borrow its assertions in order to better understand this question. Since pornographic discourse is an atopic discourse, it is impossible for it to exist and impossible for it not to exist. We thus extend this assertion to all discourses considered atopic. Its existence is impossible because, as it is a peripheral, unaccepted discourse, its producers and readers do not acknowledge it, for if those discourses were accepted, society would introduce other forms of constitution, and its existence would be jeopardized. Furthermore, although it is not accepted, it exists and is part of other discourses. It is present in newspaper stands, bookstores, etc., hence the impossibility of its nonexistence.
Having made those considerations regarding places in the discursive realm, we will now address journalistic discourse, the discourse of violence and the discourse of entertainment. We will thus seek to demonstrate the place of those three discourses within the discursive realm.

Journalistic Discourse
Journalistic discourse, as Cano (2012) indicates, is an example of interdiscourse par excellence. It contains a number of other discourses that enable the construction of journalistic discourse. There are, within the pages of newspapers, as well as in television newscasts, discourses that circulate and give it a certain "tone." Political and advertising discourse and the discourse of entertainment are located within it, in an interdiscursive relationship. It is through them that the newspaper, in addition to conveying the news, organizes its mode of speaking.
As Cano (2012) explains, a newspaper will never stand against the political group with which it is allied; the advertising pages will be laid out in accordance with articles that have a connection with what is being sold by a particular advertisement. Entertainment is related to the way the news is constructed, be it in a comical manner, a literary manner or even in relation to the use of colors or images; what is important is capturing the reader's attention.
With regard to the language adopted by the newspaper, it always aspires to be concise and objective, but that is an idealized version of the press, which in no way achieves that level of perfection. In reality, the idea that shapes the perception of the press as a space of truth, factuality and neutrality-even in language-is nothing more than a representation established by hegemonic groups to create an effect that ultimately manipulates and implicates the reader, causing them to believe they have that experience of truth, factuality and neutrality. Márcia Machado and Nilda Jacks (2001) discuss the specificities of journalistic discourse, arguing that it must privilege the uniqueness of facts, data, in order to be impartial. According to the authors, to achieve that particular impartiality, the journalist should not use adjectives, so as not to attribute However, what is evident in the journalistic media are strategies that can create a simulacrum of that world so committed to truth, to neutrality. Such a simulacrum creates the effect of impartiality and, consequently, prestige among readers. In that simulacrum, which activates that perception, it is difficult to recognize the use, for example, of entertainment, as a way to engage the reader and relegate neutrality to the background. Based on that view, Machado and Jacks (2001) state that the enunciator of journalistic discourse always has their reading public in mind. As such, the distancing from the characteristics of that discourse is not done unconsciously; it occurs as a result of the newspaper's own sales needs. It is important to emphasize, however, that the distancing occurs to different degrees based on the journalistic media.
There are newspapers with a greater distance that have a great deal of sensationalism or are labeled as not credible, and there are others with less distance, despite having a certain degree of sensationalism or entertainment, and are therefore labeled credible and considered to be conveying information without marks of subjectivity.
To end our discussion of journalistic discourse, it is possible to state that within the discursive realm, it is a topic discourse, considering its inclusion in society, its social role, its definition of subjects who use it and make it circulate, as well as the fact that it uses paratopic discourses to legitimize itself. Moreover, within journalistic discourse, there are discourses that are not recognized and accepted by society, such as the discourse of violence.
The privilege of occupying a topia causes the journalistic field to become part of the everyday dynamic of society, conveying that everyday life and, at the same time, constituting it. The media, the press and the newspaper are embedded in the daily life of the city, in such an embryonic way that we do not know whether society steers the newspaper or the newspaper steers society. By entering into that dimension of reciprocity, we no longer know how to separate what might be considered real from what is fictional in a clear-headed or serious way, which leads to that simulacra of interaction that proposes stagings related to the world of politics, crime, economics, science, and all everyday practices. The media therefore exists in the belly of representations of social existence and, as such, is where social issues are discussed, where society is engaged and where individuals are entertained by experiencing the themes, hence what transpires in entertainment, in unconscious engagements and in passions: pain, compassion, hatred, violence, love, envy and fear.

The Discourse of Violence
According to Robert Muchembled (2012), the term violence appeared in France in the early thirteenth century and comes from the Latin vis, meaning "force" or "vigor." At first, "it characterized a quick-tempered and brutal person. It also described a power relationship aimed at subjecting or constraining another person" (MUCHEMBLED, 2012, p. 7). It is thus evident that the uses of the word are still maintained but have expanded because we can now also use it in cases where the violent incident is not in actions but in discourse.
Violence, however, can be understood differently by subjects in accordance with the time and place where it is studied. Muchembled asserts that "the classification of these phenomena is not the same in all countries and at all periods" (2012, p. [8][9]. He also says that The perception of the phenomenon also varies within a civilization, especially according to social and age groups and gender. True cultures of violence prosper, even in the long term, when living conditions are hard and the law difficult to apply (MUCHEMBLED, 2012, p. 13).
History ascribes a dual role to what is classified as violence, according to Muchembled (2012): it may be legitimate or illegitimate. This is because, in the past, there were wars with objectives considered just, to defend people, the interests of monarchs or even the church. That is thus its legitimate role. In contrast, and very succinctly, it could be considered illegitimate when the crime, resulting in death, reminds us that the divine law forbids a human to kill their fellow human. Violence is therefore considered legitimate in terms of institutions and illegitimate in terms of morals and customs.
Specifically, in the discursive relationship, violence, according to Michaud (1989), is related to a dimension of acts and states. Acts are those that can be seen-where blood is visible. States are connected to the subtler relationship, which is related to moral violence. Generally, when the discourse of violence is present in that moral relationship, it primarily involves less affluent social strata.
However, thinking specifically about the newspaper, the violent discourse propagated is largely that related to acts of violence, particularly in newspapers of record. In sensationalist newspapers that are not recognized as newspapers of record, the narratives constructed move toward a discourse that privileges moral violence, i.e., states of violence. It is also possible to encounter, however, in certain cases, a discourse of moral violence in newspapers of record.
The violence shown on the front pages of newspapers and in their articles privilege the violence that occurs in large urban centers, natural disasters, wars, events that mark society, etc. There is also the violence waged against the poor, the elderly, homosexuals, women, and all those who do not enjoy a certain social "prestige." In these cases, it is possible to see a predisposition toward the violent event being constructed in such a way that it reveals a state of violence, in its subtle form.
Strategies to present the news or front-page headlines also contribute to broadening the discourse of violence. Not infrequently, the use of colors, striking photos and bold letters serve to amplify that violence. Accordingly, when thinking about the place of the discourse of violence within the discursive realm, we believe that it falls within atopic discourses, as they are not socially legitimized and pervade other discourses in order to circulate in society.
It is thus essential to consider the fact that we are emphasizing two dimensions of violence. Everyday violence is criminalized, i.e., the subject killed another; they will be judged and possibly convicted. The fact that society criminalizes some acts recognized as violent casts those subjects into that world of marginality. They become part of a world without place, without topos, atopic. A crime is planned in darkness, in hiding, in private and never under the city lights. The lucidity of that perception is, however, blurred when we introduce the second dimension of violence, which is states; this dimension becomes yet more atopic than criminalized acts, as the legal apparatus does not always recognize it as violence.
We can also adopt a continuum of states of violence between two poles: from the most visible to the least visible. Among the most visible today are, for example, violence against women and against Black people and bullying; among the least visible are violence against Black women and against Black people living in poor communities, corporate harassment, as well as, we emphasize, language influenced by exaggerated violence. The latter modality is located in a state of violence, as it is confused with the act itself. For example, a video of one subject killing another conveys an act of violence to the senses; that same video repeated ten times in a television news report creates an exaggeration, establishes fear and terrorism, leading to a state of violence. An assault constituted as a fact by an article may convey an act, but that same assault conveyed by a report with a more affective prose in a literary style, with the use of metaphors and comparisons with the cinematographic world, for example, elevates it to a state of violence.

Discourse of Entertainment
To what extent do we engage in journalistic reading as entertainment? That question seems absurd or, to say the least, strange, considering that we open up the newspaper to inform ourselves, to update ourselves, through the aforementioned credibilities, such as the factuality, neutrality and informativeness of the journalistic field. To reflect on journalism as entertainment is to think about society itself at the threshold of reality and fiction, where we find the news. Constructed based on an event, transformed into fact, the news strives for a perspective that engages, seduces and makes the reader want to read, continue reading, and feel the lack of information. At the same time, the reader laughs, cries, falls in love with and despises the people in the news and events. To maintain itself as a company and sell the news, the newspaper will exploit the entertainment potential of consumers. For that reason, we will shift the perspective and think about the news as entertainment.
According to the etymology of the word entertainment, found in the Houaiss dictionary, it comes from the Latin tenere, meaning "to have." Gabler (1999) argues that entertainment concerns actions that seek to amuse and interest people. In that context, we believe that entertainment is part of the constitution of any human being's culture because, as Coan (2012) states, the needs of individuals are not centered only around material survival, causing amusement to fill a potential lack in people.
Considering the above, entertainment is that which is able to satisfy the desire originating in that lack. However, that desire is only satisfied if it is related to the dimensions of capitalism because entertainment also becomes an industry. Gabler (1999) thus argues that life becomes a movie, as different situations in human relationships are embellished to ensure that pleasure enables profit and satisfies the viewers, who are the actors of social life.
We understand that in the past, what was considered entertainment was largely intended for an elite that only consumed an art presented as erudite; it is enough to think of the theatrical plays, music concerts, books that were intended only for the wealthiest. There was little left for other individuals who were unable to consume those forms of entertainment. As such, understanding entertainment as a way to satisfy needs, it would be necessary to construct methods to provide that audience with an art form that was accessible to them. The entertainment industry thus uses the capitalist landscape to reach all levels of society, favoring large profit-seeking companies (COAN, 2012).
Given the scarcity of time, the pursuit of entertainment is jeopardized. If the pursuit of amusement, understood as entertainment, must fill the lack in human beings and there is less and less free time, that tool of abstraction and escape from the conditions that imprison beings must be present in other moments of life. The discourse of entertainment thus pervades common day-to-day situations. To obtain a profit, the media industries use  Coan (2012) Free time ceases to be a space to disconnect from everyday life and becomes time that should be used to produce financial advantage for the capitalist system, i.e., to consume (television, newspapers, magazines, radio, internet-media in which advertisements appear) or to take a leisurely stroll in "shopping centers" (COAN, 2012, p. 7).
Furthermore, Gabler (1999) draws our attention to the fact that a life being transformed into a movie produces within us the process of entertainment being experienced all the time. For that reason, we believe that the discourse of entertainment is present in situations that provoke amusement in interlocutors. It is present in objectively entertaining genres, such as film, music, theater, etc. However, it is not present only in those genres. Through interdiscourse, it is possible to discover the discourse of entertainment in other discourses, in a constitutive way, such as journalistic discourse.
As we mentioned above, it is possible to encounter certain characteristics that can be constitutive of a discourse of entertainment within the pages of newspapers. The eyecatching colors, the exaggerated headlines, the shocking images, the literary construction of the articles and so many other artifices organize the mode of speaking, in order to make it possible to sell entertainment in the pages of the newspaper. Furthermore, the mechanisms establishing a discourse of entertainment in the newspaper often use facts that deal with sex, violence, fear, and insecurity. There is thus a movement toward satisfying the reader's needs, offering entertaining forms that meet the needs of individuals, but also a method of staying falsely informed about world affairs. The false sensation of information is due to the embellishment of the newsworthy fact, transporting it from reality to a condition of fiction, entertainment.
Finally, we can understand the discourse of entertainment as a topic discourse because it has a well-defined social function and is accepted within society. Nonetheless, as we have already perceived, it is constituted by other modes of speaking that are atopic. Within it, there are constructions that are violent, although in a subtle way.

V. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Three front pages of the Estado de Minas newspaper from 2019 were selected to compose the corpus of this work. In these front pages, we analyze how the discourses of violence and entertainment appear within journalistic discourse, in an interdiscursive relationship, using the assumptions of scenes of enunciation, in order to engage the reader. It is thus possible to confirm how scenography works in an intersemiotic perspective, to construct a scene of entertainment. We speak of an "intersemiotic perspective," drawing on , when we affirm the importance of analyzing practices in this sense, as well as the fact that they should not be separated from the discursive formation to which they belong.
The first front page is related to a crime committed by two young men in the city of Suzano, in the interior of the state of São Paulo. On that occasion, they entered a public school and shot a number of students, killing eight people and injuring several others. At the end of the attack, one of the criminals shot the other and then killed himself.
On the front page of the March 14 issue, the day after the event, we can see a headline describing the event as a "horror" copied from an event that occurred in the United States. The noun is used to describe things or actions that cause repulsion, hatred, and fear. The use of that noun may also indicate something that cannot be understood. The event is an act of violence that caused a national uproar. We will now analyze the front page and how it is inscribed within the scenes of enunciation. With regard to the scenes of enunciation, journalistic discourse is the enclosing scene, and the newspaper's front page is the generic scene. We thus enter the discursive field of journalistic discourse and select the discursive space of violence and entertainment in order to comprehend our analytical work. Journalistic discourse is placed on this front page as a source of information about an act of violence; the newspaper's front page predisposes the reader to have certain expectations, as it is eyecatching, with a striking title about an event that has occurred and an image related to what is being reported. However, what we perceive is a distancing from what is purported to be a front page. In this case, the scenography constructed is similar to a movie poster, a genre intended for the discourse of entertainment, which can also be perceived in the other front pages that we will analyze.
The image of a man shrouded in a mask, against a red background, holding a gun in a defiant attitude, reminds us of horror movies that are box office hits. As such, a scenography of entertainment can be seen on the front page of the newspaper. It can thus be said that readers not only want information but also a certain degree of entertainment. This is connected to the need to sell and to embrace the taste of the reading public, for, as Machado and Jacks (2010) remind us, the journalist always has a virtual reader in mind and-intuitively-seeks to write in accordance with the interest and tastes of that reader.
A simulacrum of truth and neutrality is also created, causing the reader to believe that he or she is being informed and, with that false sense of information, to feel a supposed sense of safety, as if what happens to another person could never affect the reader. That false sensation is transposed to the reading public when the newspaper, creating the headline in question, creates a distance between the event and real life; the way it is covered is no longer a reality but, rather, situated in the dimension of the fictitious, of entertainment.
Furthermore, when we return to the historical constitution of the discourse of violence, its dual role as legitimate and illegitimate (MUCHEMBLED, 2012), the front page reaffirms the unacceptable character of that act. However, what we pose as a problem in that relationship is the presentation made using images and words within that intersemiotic production, causing a state of violence to emerge.
The discourse of violence thus appears in the construction of fictional levels through the utterance made by the producer of the headline in question. It is possible to observe the use of the generalization "Brazil once again...." In this sentence, the country is positioned as an imitator of an entire scene of violence, as if the event occurred throughout the entire national territory. The use of the phrasing "once again" also posits the earlier occurrence of the act, as if it were common to copy events such as those in the US. Another level of discursive violence appears in the use of the adjective "horror." As mentioned above, it describes an event that is difficult to explain, as it is linked to terror, to fear. We return to the words of Machado and Jacks (2001), which affirm the newspaper's need to maintain a distance from the use of adjectives in order to be impartial, without any marks of subjectivity. We thus find that the scenography of violence and entertainment is present in our corpus, as seen on the second front page analyzed. Published on September 9, 2019, it reports on data released by Insurance for Personal According to the report, the number is so high that it is comparable to the number of murder victims in the state. We will now look at the front page: Once again, there is a movie poster scenography that utilizes a state of violence and is placed in a front-page generic scene. The eye-catching colors and striking image are reminiscent of big action movies with speeding cars, which have been very successful in recent years and, in some cases, kill off their characters. We can also observe the use of adjectives, giving the utterance a subjective tone.
Once again, the use of eye-catching colors is observed, in order to capture the reader's attention. For the characteristics of a front-page scenography, the striking title is an introduction to the event that is going to be reported, along with the image that corroborates the text. The scenography employed is not that of the front page but that of the discourse of entertainment, presented as a movie poster. We can perceive, in the title, the use of a mark of subjectivation, with the qualifier "deadly." In this journey, it is also possible to understand that front page as sensationalist, due to the exaggeration and metaphor. The scene of violence, of death, is also constructed and amplified through the utterance and the image. Note, at first, that the discourse of violence reported appears only through an act of violence.
Based on Muchembled's (2012) considerations about the discourse of violence through its historicity, we believe that the reproduction of the discourse of violence is connected to social relations, as violent incidents resulting in death have always been denied, viewed in a negative light, with alienation. Nonetheless, even if those feelings of outrage exist, there is a need to acknowledge and reproduce the events. Consequently, the newspaper, embracing the taste of the readers, reproduces reports of the violence, using the scenography of entertainment to convey that discourse to its consumers.
In the third and final front page that is part of our corpus, we see an accident involving a small plane in the city of Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. The front page is from April 14, 2019-a Sunday. In addition to the news of the crash, there is a space for the first episode of the final season of the international hit television series, Game of Thrones, which aired that same day. There is thus a confirmation of the scenography of entertainment, represented by the movie poster genre, which uses a television series to corroborate the positioning presented by the newspaper. Here, in particular, we consider only the verbal utterance in relation to the reported event, in order to understand the scenography of entertainment and the discourse of violence. The headline, which is a metaphor, reminds us of a thriller or horror movie. We can also perceive a discourse of violence that is confirmed in the utterance presented below the headline. It is not about circulating an act of violence, as that is not what the article apparently proposes to address, but rather about the way the news is constructed, which conceals a subtle state of violence.
" In this short passage, from the beginning of the story, we observe a phrasing that is almost literary or, perhaps, like a synopsis of a movie. The way the enunciator presents the account reproduces a setting that is a forgotten place, in which the fear and dread surrounding the residents materialize, producing a state of violence. Furthermore, the scenography of entertainment is not justified solely by the headline but also by the way the text is constructed. A reader who was shown this introduction to the article out of context might say it was a short story, a chronicle, a synopsis, as we noted above, or some other genre of that type.
The newspaper's simulacra of truth, factuality and neutrality work in its articles as a way to give it credibility and impartiality. Consequently, when a front page such as this is constructed, the strategies that cause a scenography of violence and entertainment to be perceived go unnoticed by the reader. As such, the metaphor, the literary text, and the state of violence produced are relegated to the background. The scenography of entertainment thus implicates the readers in the enunciation that is presented, and they are, to a certain extent, compelled to believe in the purported impartiality and credibility of the newspaper.
Finally, corroborating the scenography of entertainment and, in a certain way, expanding it is the mention of the series Game of Thrones. Considering that it is an international hit and has a major influence through its script and performances, it is natural that a journalistic publication would reference the opening of its final season. There is thus a path constructed, beginning with the headline "The end of a saga?" with images of the main characters in the series. As a type of invitation, readers enter into the movie poster scene, in which the series is only a secondary production but one that is eagerly anticipated. The feature film would be represented by the main headline "Neighbors to Fear," which even has a synopsis below the title. The representation of entertainment is therefore present not only through an event that is transformed but also through a production with entertainment purposes, which confirms the entire scene constructed. The images, the headlines, and the use of other entertainment productions are all used-in the strategies of journalistic discourse-to confirm the scenography of entertainment, which employs, to a certain degree, states of violence.

VI. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
Based on the premise that DA has established a corpus focused on media discourses, our proposal was to understand how the discourse of entertainment and the discourse of violence appear in journalistic discourse through scenes of enunciation, more precisely movie poster scenography. We observed that journalistic discourse is constituted in an interdiscursive relationship, within which different discourses can be perceived. We can infer that newspaper readers not only become informed about world affairs but also become consumers of other discourses, whether consciously or not.
Additionally, by using entertainment, journalistic discourse causes individuals to have their needs for amusement satisfied. We know that entertainment, converted into a capitalist industry, must be sold and generate a profit. As such, the newspaper, which is also a capitalist industry, appropriates the strategies of entertainment, such as eye-catching colors, striking images, and metaphorical and sensationalist utterances, giving it a dual role: to provide amusement and entertainment for its readers and to generate a profit. Those strategies were found in the analyses proposed.
Additionally, the discourse of violence is present-visibly or invisibly-in news coverage and appears in a scenography of entertainment. Indeed, that entertainment resides in the way the discourse is presented and how it embraces the desires of the reading subjects, in order to constitute journalistic discourse. Thus, recalling Maingueneau's (2015) assertion, the scene of enunciation is a metaphor for the theater, in which the subjects place themselves in a staging to demonstrate what they desire. Journalistic discourse is therefore presented through the metaphor of entertainment, in order to construct a scene that engages its co-enunciators.
In this vein, we emphasize that the strategies of scenes of enunciation offer an experience to the reader, enabling them to interact with the discourse of violence and the discourse of entertainment. The reading public, however, is not conscious of that interaction. They believe that they are consuming information, but they are also consuming reality transformed into film, fiction, and literature. We know that the newspaper under analysis is considered a newspaper of record, that it has credibility. Those characteristics emerge from the simulacrum created by the newspaper itself, which causes it to be considered impartial and credible. It is thus important to raise discussions about the role that is played, as a reader, in relation to those journalistic publications.
Studies on scenes of enunciation allow us to understand the strategies of the newspaper. It is thus possible to perceive how journalistic discourse uses strategies such as eye-catching colors, unusual headlines, and images that attract attention to implicate the reader in its positioning. It is clear that readers rarely play a critical role in relation to newspapers of record. The questions we have posed would be easily perceived in newspapers considered popular, but in regard to other newspapers, the focus is placed solely on the event. We do not realize that strategies of manipulation are also present there.